Outcome of Sankara’s murder trial
On 8 February 2022, the trial of the 1987 murder of former Burkinabè president Thomas Sankara came to an end and sentences were pronounced. This comes as a surprise to many and others see it as justice served.
Early pessimists
When the trial kicked off on 11 October 2021, one could hear the following views from far and near. Nothing important should be expected from this trial for several reasons. The case is being tried by a military tribunal, and, as such, the chain of command of the military subjects the trial to some rule and regulations that can hinder a free and fair judicial procedure of the type carried out in civilian or non-military courts. Another factor that threw some suspicion on the whole event stemmed from the fact that many of the suspects in Sankara’s murder on 15 October 1987 were among the ministers and high officials of Burkina, under the rule of Roch Kaboré (that was the time the trial started). The absence of key potential culprits, like Blaise Compaoré and Hyacinthe Kafando, rendered the trial less credible to some analysts who saw in it a travesty of justice. All the doubt and lack of trust and credibility were swept away when the orchestrators of the crime were slapped with heavy sentences.
Background circumstances and factors
It might help to refresh memories by unveiling some few facts that cannot be dissociated from the persons and facts at the centre of this search for justice. When Sankara was shot by a commando in 1987, he had been president of Burkina Faso for only four years, from 1983 to 1987. What impressed everyone was the drastic mind-blowing and leap forward that the former French colony experienced. The literacy rate had increased from 13 to 73 per cent, health care improved and the lives of 18,000 to 50,000 children were saved annually, road and railway networks flourished tremendously, the sense of patriotism of the average citizen sparkled and the average Burkinabè had such an unwavering self-confidence, nationalism and patriotism. The relics of servitude and debilitating dependence on France were wiped away and the country was repositioned on the world map. What was an unknown, neglected, poor country in West Africa became the terrain on which major decisions, discussions, and policies of the developing countries all over the world were taken. “Burkina-centeredness” was the engine that dictated and determined the daily occurrences in the country of the upright man, after the name, motto and other determinants of nationality were changed and ridded of all traces of neocolonialism.
When Sankara was assassinated in 1987, the following two major observations were made by seasoned political analysts: “Burkina is back to the Club (of those African nations that simply survive, with no significant political and socio-economic presence or impact). The other remark was that four years of “revolution” produced more prosperity and progress than the previous 25 years of neocolonial rule, with military and civilian presidents who lacked the vision and determination that Sankara had. All those transformations that were envied by many came to a halt on 15 October 1987.
Specific sentences and their significance
Blaise Compaoré who took over as president after Sankara’s assassination was sentenced to 30 years in prison firm imprisonment), in absentia, since he was granted asylum in Côte d’Ivoire by Alassane Ouattara who ignored requests that Compaoré be transferred to The Hague to face trial. Ouattara owes Compaoré a lot, since the backbone of the military force that brought him to power came from Burkina under Compaore’s full accord. The prosecutor states that the following evidence dissipates all doubts about Compaore’s culpability. After numerous witnesses were listened to and considering the weapons used to kill the former president and 12 of his collaborators, it was clear that he had carefully planned the coup and murder. In 1987, the arms of a certain sophisticated high caliber were in the hands of troops loyal to Compaoré only. He was Minister for Justice, spokesperson of the government with direct control over the paratroopers who formed the commando that caried out the murder. Secondly, Compaoré was seen by witnesses when he personally came to the scene to make sure that the homicide operation had been carried out to his satisfaction.
Hyacinthe Kafando, the right–hand man and aide de camp of Compaoré was sentenced to 30 years for heading the troops that carried out the coup. He used to brag that he is the one who shot Sankara. He is said to be currently serving his master, Compaoré, in Côte d’Ivoire.
General Gilbert Diendéré was slapped with a 20-year sentence in prison for the following: (i) he was the second in command of the para troopers at Pô (border town with Ghana), where the killers hailed from and he was in charge of security at the presidency; and (ii) he had ordered that no action or vehicle whatsoever should be allowed to foil the mission. The general maintained his innocence throughout the trial, but his fate is not enviable since he had previously been sentenced to 20 years in jail for attempting to derail the transition process in 2015 by staging a coup that was repressed. He is, therefore, supposed to languish in jail for 40 years.
Three other soldiers were sentenced to 20 years: Nabonsseoindé Ouédraogo et Idrissa Sawadogo, who were among the assailants and Bossobé Traoré, the spy who leaked information to Compaore’s camp. Two others were sentenced to 11 years, one was sentenced to three years plus a fine, and four other soldiers were acquitted.
Reservations and doubts persist
Let us remain mindful of the fact that these sentences are suggestions or requests made by the magistrates and the prosecutor implements the sentence that he deems fair. We are yet to see if these sentences will be effectively enforced. Another question is, “What is the relevance of sentences when the culprits do not show up in court? Of course, Compaoré and his close allies are to be handed over to justice whenever they are spotted but do we have enough efficient and transparent structures in the subregion for the implementation of such judicial orders? Who can assert with certainty that the outcome of this historical trial has not been influenced by the prevailing military regime in Burkina Faso? What cannot be denied is that all parties who travelled to make this procedure possible are to be praised. What they did is much better than the silence that covered (as an accomplice) this horrendous mass carnage of the hope of all freedom fighters and anti-imperialist combatants all over the world. What the military tribunal did can be rectified if defects are noticed at some point.
Moussa Traoré is Associate Professor at the Department of English of the University of Cape Coast, Ghana.
